By Avay Shukla
It is time to accept
that the global mayhem currently playing out has not all been created by the
Coronavirus, it is a catalyst which has exposed the many problems that already
existed, chief among them being rampant ( and increasing) inequality,
pathetic health care systems, lack of social safety nets and environmental
degradation. COVID-19 is not just a public health issue, it will begin as one,
but its real impact in times to come shall be on livelihoods, social
structures, economic models and our ways of life.
Limiting myself to
India, it is clear that if we don't reform our governance immediately, we will
be even more vulnerable to COVID 22 or 23 when it comes around again, as it
inevitably shall. There is only so much dependence that can be placed on
Ayurveda, Pranayam, Yoga, lockdowns and lighting of candles.
Take the economic model that reigns supreme these days, and has
since the 1990s, the neoliberal capitalist theory. Its false Gods are GDP and
the creation of wealth, never mind that the top 1 percent of Indians own 51.3
percent of the national wealth, leaving only 4.8 percent for the bottom 60
percent. Putting it another way, 12 million Indians own four times the wealth
held by 953 million Indians ( OXFAM report, Davos 2020).
The coronavirus is just a temporary nuisance for the former, but
a life and death issue for the latter, as the misery and mass suffering of
millions of migrants and abandoned labourers in Mumbai, Anand Vihar, Surat,
Hyderabad, etc testify to. It is expected that perhaps as many as 200 million
additional Indians shall be pushed below the poverty line this year, adding to
the 250 million already there.
Many will not even be able to access the PDS rations because
they are either migrants or do not have ration cards; the collapsed economy
will render tens of millions unemployed for a long time. COVID has exposed the
inequity and hollowness of the economic model we have been following and it is
time to throw out the billionaire with the bathwater. It is public values, and
not private values, which should shape our economic planning; the distribution
of wealth is as vital as the creation of wealth, and the wretched must be given
their rightful place at the high table, they should have first claim to the
nation's resources.
Noam Chomsky, the American philosopher and linguist in an
interview to DIEM TV ( which all of us must watch) does not mince his words. He
ascribes the devastating economic impact of COVID 19 to a " neo-liberal
plague", a " savage neo-liberalism" the script of which has been
dictated to governments by their " corporate masters". In an alarming
aside he further warns that "authoritarian states are quite compatible
with neo-liberalism."
We have seen enough evidence of this in India too, particularly
over the last six years. Corona is telling us that this mould has to be broken,
the "Daridranarayan" of Mahatma Gandhi, not the billionaire of Davos,
must now become the focal point of all economic planning. A country with more
than a third of its population below the poverty line, and with a current
unemployment rate of 24 percent ( rising every day), cannot even think of any
other model.
The time for Universal Basic Income( UBI) has arrived. What
India's 800 million poor/ migrant/ landless population desperately needs now is
a safety net, not just an uncertain 10 kgs of rice, which in any case is not
available to the 139 million migrant workers ( Census 2011) who lack a ration
card or even a BPL card. Leading economists and Nobel prize winners have been
imploring the central government to dispense with these requirements at a time
like this when starvation is just over the horizon, but the response would put
a four-toed sloth to shame.
UBI is already being tested on a pilot basis in some countries,
but the time for clinical trials is over and it must be implemented in the next
few months. Vijay Joshi, an eminent Oxford economist, has estimated in a study
that giving Rs. 17,500 to each household in India every year would cost 3.5
percent of GDP or about Rs 7 lakh crores (Rupees seven lakh crores). A lot of
this, however, can be recouped by doing away with many non-merit subsidies which
currently total up to 7.5 percent of our GDP.
Moreover, UBI does not have to be universal: it can be
restricted to only the BPL and the migrant workers, in which form its financial
implication would be significantly less. We already have the required digital
and banking architecture to implement this- the famed JAM trilogy of Jan Dhan,
Aadhar and Mobiles; using it for welfare is much better than employing it for
surveillance. Combined with a more inclusive PDS, while the UBI cannot prevent
the poor from falling, it can at least ensure that they will rise again
someday when the jobs return.
Exiled by force from their jobs and the cities, almost the
entire labour force has now reverse- migrated to their villages, presenting a
problematic irony: now that parts of the economy are re-opening there are no
workers to turn the wheels of commerce and industry. There is no labour for
agricultural operations, 85 percent of truck drivers have simply abandoned
their vehicles ( and freight) on the roads and fled, most construction labour
have gone.
In their absence supply
chains will remain disrupted, and resumption of industry and businesses
delayed, for months. The labour are not likely to return soon after their
horrific experiences, their fear of further indignities and uncertainties
outstrips their fear of the virus.
Even if the inevitable prospect of starvation in the villages
forces them to return, the same script will be repeated when the next Corona
strikes. To prevent a recurrence of the humanitarian tragedy now playing out,
it is imperative that they be assured of a minimum income. Not ad -hoc,
temporary doles but a permanent, assured income which will enable them to
weather any future storms, stay put, and resume working when the clouds have
gone.
Lack of financial resources can no longer be an alibi for the
government to deny them a UBI. A country which aspires to be a five trillion
dollar economy cannot allow almost half its population to wallow in poverty and
live a life of extreme indignity. Our economic model can no longer be dictated
by corporates who have siphoned off ten lakh crore rupees under the guise of
NPAs- sufficient, if recovered, to fund UBI for the next five years.
This is not just an economic crisis, as Dalal Street would have
us believe, but a civilizational crisis for the country as a whole. Worse, it
is an existential crisis for our poor: Ms Sitharaman may not admit it, but it
takes more than five hundred rupees a month, ten kilos of rice and a police
lathi to keep body and soul together. Ask that weeping young worker we all saw
on TV at Anand Vihar the other day, without any money, job or food; he just
wanted to walk back home in UP two hundred miles away but was not even being
allowed to do that.
He has probably gone now but ask yourself- Why in hell should he
want to come back? And if he doesn't, then how in hell do we become a five
trillion dollar economy?
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